The Weimar Republic of 1919 | Analysis

The Weimar Republic of 1919 AnalysisThe Weimar Republic of 1919 char numbererised the struggle and failure to try republic in Germany following World contend One. Despite possessing near-identical elements essential to govern as achieverfully as the federal Republic of 1945, the organization was fragile and short-lived (Smith, 1991). Those in authority neglected to increase the ability of the parliament or commit fully to the transcription, choosing instead to stumble along forming light(a) coalitions that did not stand the test of judgment of conviction (Conradt, 2009). Weimars establishmental weaknesses entirelyowed Hitler to sire to power and the dark reign of the Third Reich began in 1933. By contrast, post-WWII land was successfully implemented and maintained because the policy makers of the rudimentary lawfulness ensured a politics of consensus dominated (Slagter and Loewenberg, 2009). Roberts (2009) further believes they were influenced by the material, se mi policy- do, and ethical legacy of the ii world wars Germany was a part of. Germany was divided into the democratic western and the communist East, before achieving unification in 1990. Despite the brief hi theme disposed(p) here, it is considerably recognized that Germanys political history is a complex story of a country struggling to achieve a st open majority rule in an unconventional way. The Federal Republic of 1949 distinguished itself from Weimar through its constitution and electoral/party remains, which be key factors when explaining democracys success. This essay will detailally contrast the constitutions and electoral/party systems of Weimar and Bonn, as well as new(prenominal) factors such as the thrift briefly, to explain wherefore democracy succeeded by and by(prenominal)(prenominal) 1949.The Federal Republic demonstrated clear changes from Weimar, but as well as contained elements of perseverance from the past both in its constitution and party sys tem (Roberts, 2000). both(prenominal) federal systems had similar debuts in place, such as the Constitutional Courts to resolving power disputes, and the federal agency of 16 Lnder (federal states) at a issue train through the Bundesrat (federal Council). Their constitutions were quite advanced, with a Bill of Rights guaranteeing every German citizen the liberty of speech, religion and equality. Both governed through coalition parties no party has been able to govern alone in Germanys history save one (Gordon, 1991). This demonstrates that permanently built into the system is the need for diametric political groups to reach turn up across the political chasm and co-operate in a politics of consensus. With such similarities, why did the Weimar government collapse a few years later? Pulzer (1994) believes that if it had been dealt a better deck of cards, the Weimar Republic might imbibe survived longer (1994, p. 4). The answer is also that it is institutions and everyday pra ctices that promote stability in the system, and in Weimar, neither was stable.The Federal Republic distinguished itself from Weimar through the governing framework of its constitution. The Basic Law bolstered the parliamentary system by downgrading the president, who became a largely representative, indirectly elective head of state, and by enhancing the stature of the chancellor (Smith, 1991, p.48). This was a clear reply to the dual executive in Weimars constitution which authorized the president to act autonomously of the Reichstag (Conradt, 2009). Although the president of the Weimar Republic was given more(prenominal) power to avoid political palsy in the Reichstag, phrase 48 allowed Hitler to come to power in the end. Hence the Basic Law made the presidential role more ceremonial than anything else. By using the failings of Weimar to measure the effectiveness of the present democracy, the policy makers of Bonn achieved to still fears of a spot Hitler (Paterson, 2000).The constitution of 1949 also helped democracy by dispersing power from the centre of German authority. The Basic Law worked against centralised power, guaranteeing impropriety of responsibility to Germanys different regions, and thus preventing the rise of authoritarian pattern (Paterson, 2000). In the Bonn Republic power was diffused to institutions, not the general population, despite the keep going invocation of the phrase Die Staatsgewalt geht vom Volke aus, the government authority emanates from the people the famous Article 1 of the Weimar constitution (Paterson, 2000, p.25). This diffusion of power ensures institutions must operate together during the decision-making process, thus promoting a democratic atmosphere. The Constitutional Court, for instance, exemplifies the separation of powers by upholding the Basic Law and defending civil liberties, in contrast to Weimar, whose court was easily subverted and unstable. It give the bounce be argued that such diffusion of power might negatively affect governing by creating too many agencies and actors. Alternatively, if one institution decides to create paralysis in the system, fragmentation could occur. However, the systems stability has not been greatly threatened. This is testament to Germanys constitutional strength and determination to uphold democratic rule (Paterson, 2000).The reforms to the party system after 1949 also aided in democracys success. Consensus among the political parties in the Bundestag (Federal Diet) ensured institutional stability after 1949 (Slagter and Loewenberg, 2009). In contrast, stable majorities could not be formed in Weimars Reichstag (parliament) due to the existence of proportional representation (Conradt, 2009). The republic was therefore a polarised pluralist system of numerous small parties, with no consensual decision-making taking place. The hyperinflation of 1923, for example, fuelled new political parties which the Reichstag was unable to mixerise to its norms ( Slagter and Loewenberg, 2009, p.470). dapper parliamentary procedure disintegrated once the centre parties came under the assault of the ultra extremists. By contrast, the success of post-WWII democracy can be explained through consensus promoting institutional stability, because this was absent in the Reichstag. After 1945, there was co-operative federalism and consensual decision making among the political parties, especially with the issue of comparable living standards in all regions.Democracy also succeeded because of the modifications made to Germanys political/electoral system after 1949. In the Reichstag, consensus was neglected because radical groups pursued electoral votes, not compassionate that it lost them all effectiveness within the chamber as they contributed to its paralysis (Slagter and Loewenberg, 2009, p.471). After 1949, however, parliament developed into a moderate pluralist system. Parties could only go far with more than 5% of the national vote or 3 const ituency sit down without. New parties which entered the Bundestag were therefore fondised to the parliamentary customs (Slagter and Loewenberg, 2009).Through this measure, consensus dominated because it boost stable, moderate politics while discouraging extreme politics. This helped democracy succeed, because few parties meant more stability, the establishment of a co-operative opposition and prevention of anti-system parties (Paterson, 2000). Therefore, the electoral system, as with all other aspects of the system, encourages moderation and consensus.Other factors such as stinting conditions after 1949 might also explain why democracy succeeded. With democracy stabilising around the 1950s, Germany also experienced full employment. This is vastly different to the economicalal and democratic situation in 1919, because the existence of a weak government with limited policy making skills meant there was no quick labour policy and millions were unemployed (Schmidt, 1992). However , with Marshall Aid speeding Germanys economic recovery, the 1950s showed rapid progress both in terms of the economy and democratic governing. The German position further developed the state after 1945, in contrast to poorly-developed welfare state of Weimar (Schmidt, 1992). Modell Deutschland, with the concept of the managed firm and co-determination, became historied throughout the world (Smith, 2005). Products made in Germany demonstrated that it had become an economic force to be reckoned with, especially with its car industry. It can therefore be argued that unprecedented economic stability after WWII also helped ensure democracys popularity. other factor explaining democracys success after WWII emanates from the national and foreign policies Germany has implemented. This country presents a complex and layered picture which is revealed through the challenges it has dealt with in the past. Germany promoted itself as a responsible power and avoided an aggressive foreign policy so reminiscent of Hitler, choosing instead to join NATO and promote pro-European policies at the height of the Cold War (Glees, 1996). Chancellor Brandts policy of ostpolitik (Change through Rapprochement) exposed the conflict surrounding national identity following unification, where East Germans continued to feel like second class citizens in their own country (Wiesenthal, 1998). The 1970s saw the surge of the extreme Left, but despite these negative impacts, the structures of the German political and social systems remain strong. Therefore, Germanys promotion of European integration and the political culture of the time ensured democratic rule succeeded.In conclusion, it is clear that despite what some may see as an abnormal driveway taken by Germany towards normalisation, it seems to have worked (Smith, 2005). It is argued that the countrys first attempt at democracy failed due to a specific set of circumstances facing interwar Germany, coupled with defects in the Weimar con stitution (Conradt, 2009, p.7). It can certainly be agreed on that important evolutions in the system to the constitution and party/electoral system, coupled with better economic and social conditions were vital in sustaining democracy after WWII (Smith, 1991). The Basic Law be largely the same as in 1949, which is a testament to its success in founding and maintaining a democratic Germany. In addition, Germany also recognised a politics of consensus is a pre-requisite for federalism to work. Its decision to take this unconventional path and follow the federal political system with a consensus democracy demonstrates that sovereignty may not always be the answer homogenising such a large country with different regions and practices would be impossible. 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